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Friday, November 11, 2016

Literature Review Hoffman, Wages of Sickness. Health Care for Some. [2nd Draft]


            Beatrix Hoffman, a professor of history at Northern Illinois University, has provided a strong argument in favor of national health insurance with her two books: The Wages of Sickness: The Politics of Health Insurance in Progressive America and Health Care for Some: Rights and Rationing in the United States since 1930. Her first book, The Wages of Sickness, is about the failed proposal for compulsory health insurance in New York. The proposal rode on the wave of progressivism during the late 19th and early 20th century and appeared destined to pass. However, the proposal met a tragic end in New York legislation after coming across fierce opposition. The book is essentially a study about how a fractured support and united opposition resulted in the failure of New York’s first compulsory healthcare proposal. Hoffman argues that the failure of this early proposal was a “formative moment” for America in that it contributed to the “making of a limited welfare state, … and configuration of interest-group power that would resist universal health coverage for the rest of the century.”[1] General historical reviews about The Wages of Sickness agree on the important influence of the book because of recent discussions about health insurance are in full swing. I also agree that Hoffman’s analysis is important to understanding opposition to national health insurance. However, my problem with The Wages of Sickness is that most of her book is spent discussing the defeat of the compulsory health insurance in the early 20th century, while the only epilogue tries to extend to the present. Thankfully this drawback in The Wages of Sickness is covered by her other book Health Care for Some.
            Health Care for Some is a history of American health coverage from 20th century into the 21st century. America has always suffered from a lack of reliable medical professionals resulting in a mixture of various health services and different levels of coverage. Hoffman describes this system of health coverage that provides for some, but not others as “rationing.” She further argues, “US-style rationing, along with the lack of universal health care rights for US citizens, has contributed to the comparatively high cost of health care.”[2] The large time period covered has resulted in book reviews that praise Hoffman for her daring, but also critique her for leaving out some details. During my reading of the book the only issue that came to mind was the contradiction in her concluding stance on the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and her earlier book, The Wages of Sickness. The tone of her writing is critical throughout the book only to change to hopeful at the end. Both of Beatrix Hoffman’s books cover the issue of health coverage with clear writing accompanied by moving narratives. Based on the situations depicted in The Wages of Sickness and Health Care for Some, it is clear to perceive that national health insurance can only be successfully pursued if it is declared a right.
            Hoffman’s The Wages of Sickness begins with an explanation of the health care situation prior to the proposal of compulsory health insurance. She describes the New York health care system as a mixture of various health support services. This mixture of health care coverage offered a “patchwork of protection” consisting of fraternal societies, trade unions, employer sickness plans, commercial health and life insurance plans, and charity medicine.[3] Later she introduces us to the organizational sponsor of the compulsory health insurance proposal, the American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL). The AALL defined itself as a bureau of “experts” with the aim of worker protection.[4] Drawing from successful European models, the AALL proposed compulsory health insurance as a means to conserve the value of the worker. Their model legislation of compulsory health insurance was far from ideal. Hoffman notes that the legislation was designed at the state level for workers only and excluded the nonworking poor, middle class, and blacks.[5]
            Hoffman next highlights the AALL’s failure to garner support and its underestimation of the opposition. The organization’s failures were because of their “expert” and third party stance that led them to exclude workers and employers from discussions.[6] Because the AALL previously passed workers compensation reforms without significant resistance, they naïvely expected that the workers and employers would support them. Even when opposition against the proposal started to develop in the form of Americanism, the AALL dismissed it as a “smokescreen for the material interest of their opponents.”[7] This extreme patriotism may have seemed absurd, but in the middle of World War I and the accompanying Red Scare these arguments were extremely persuasive since the public was amidst a war fever. The public perception of compulsory health insurance as foreign became a reality in term of political clout. Time and time again the opposition would prove more capable at using publicity.
            The cohesive opposition against compulsory health insurance came from mainstream labor, medical professionals, employers, and commercial insurance companies. Each group opposed compulsory health insurance for their own self-serving reasons. Mainstream labor, under the leadership of Samuel Gompers of the American Federation of Labor (AFL), opposed compulsory health insurance because they believed that the plan would undermine trade union benefits and stop the battle for higher wages.[8] Medical professionals (Major organization being the American Medical Association also known as AMA) feared that compulsory health insurance plans would decrease their incomes. Employers, such as Mark Daly and Thaddeus Sweet, were in a similar line of thought and believed that premiums for the health insurance would eat into their profits. Insurance companies, notably Prudential Insurance Company and its vice president Frederick Hoffman, saw compulsory health insurance as the death of their health and life insurance market. All groups opposed the unprecedented reach of the government into the sphere of private interest.
            In comparison to the opposition was a divided support for the compulsory health insurance bill. The split among the labor and women’s groups contributed to the bill’s defeat. As noted earlier Gompers and the AFL opposed compulsory health insurance. However, the AFL’s word was not the final say for all labor groups. The New York State Federation of Labor (NYSFL), the International Typographical Union and other local trade unions supported the bill despite the AFL’s opposition stance. For women’s groups the same story unfolded. Florence Kelly and the Women’s League for Equal Opportunity (LEO) opposed compulsory health care as a detriment to workers wages and freedoms. Like with the AFL, Kelly and LEO were opposed by other women’s groups that supported the bill. The two most notable support groups were the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) and the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union (ILGWU). Hoffman specifically concentrates on ILGWU organizer, Pauline Newman, as a vocal supporter of the compulsory health insurance. Newman attacked Kelly’s stance as short sighted and divorced from the realities of workingwomen. She then trained her sights upon the AFL deriding the organization for clinging “to the old idea of getting higher wages and allowing corporations to take it back in the higher prices of the necessities of life.”[9] However powerful of a speaker Newman was, the divisions within labor had significantly weakened the AALL’s base of support. Workers were thrown into confusion as their leaders bickered over the impact of compulsory health insurance.
            Hoffman ends her book with the 1920 defeat of the compulsory health insurance bill and a quick history of other health care reform attempts. All the factors: united opposition, divided labor support, and Americanistic rhetoric combined to crush the bill’s legislation. The opposition with its organizational network and political hold effectively blocked any efforts to pass the bill through the assembly. Labor, which was supposed to have universally supported the bill because its benefits, ended up divided. Germany’s defeat in World War I demonstrated the supposed failure of the “Bismarckian welfare state” and the boosted Americanism rhetoric.[10] In the end the tide was too strong. The bill’s proponents gave up the battle after being worn down by years of attacks on the “un-American” character of compulsory health insurance.[11] The patchwork system of health care remains to this day with reform attempts from other presidents: Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy, Nixon, and Clinton, all failing as well.
            Book reviews of The Wages of Sickness are generally positive describing the book as excellent read that would interest those involved with health insurance policy. Emily K. Abel’s review of the book is one example of this standard. Abel starts off with a catchy opening describing a possible situation where national health care is labeled as violating basic American values. From there she provides a simple summary noting the opposition, Gompers, and time as factors that led to defeat of the compulsory health insurance bill. She concludes by recommending this “excellent book” for “historians of public health, business, labor, women, and public policy.”[12] Clifford D. Allo’s review of the book differs from Abel in recommendation and summary. In the introduction, he recommends the book to “anyone interested in public policy,” a larger group than Abel’s historians.[13] Allo summary of the book is also more in depth covering specific individuals mentioned such as Pauline Newman and Frederick L. Hoffman. He concludes by stating the book’s potential as a “baseline” comparison past and present.[14] Elisabeth S. Clemens differs from the other reviewers in her concluding remarks. While she admits that Hoffman’s argument is persuasive, Clemens notes that resistance to government intervention during the Prohibition “suggests deeper currents of resistance to policy expansion.”[15] She then proposes that The Wages of Sickness serves as a call for deeper studies about opposition to reform in politics. Clemens does not specifically recommend the book to any group of people.
            Beatrix Hoffman’s book undeniably leans left in its criticism of the opponents against compulsory health care insurance. Gompers is depicted as a traitor to labor through his dealing with Fredrick Hoffman. Fredrick Hoffman is portrayed as a behind the scene schemer that outright lies to the AALL. Mark Daly and Thaddeus Sweet are illustrated as self-serving businessmen. Hoffman partiality towards the women’s movement is evident in her light treatment of Florence Kelly and high acclaim for Pauline Newman. Kelly is presented as a good-intentioned, misinformed speaker. Pauline Newman is discussed in a rather admiring way for her sharp retorts against the opposition. Hoffman even goes as far as to end the book with a quote from Newman.[16]
            The Wages of Sickness does a superb job at presenting the reasons for the defeat of compulsory health insurance. Rather than solely attack the opposition on moral grounds, Hoffman demonstrates how each group of the opposition stands gain with clarity. Private correspondence and memos generate a view of the opposition’s conversation. Quotes and photographs of specific individuals involved help the reader imagine the scene. Gompers’ contradictory stance on compulsory health insurance is demonstrated in his secret dealing with Fredrick Hoffman. Manufacturers are clearly colluding as shown through the associations. Sweet’s role establishes the link between legislation and business. The division within labor is given equal coverage. NYSFL’s break from the AFL’s stance indicates a major rift between labor unions. Newman’s battle with Kelly and LEO depicts another split within labor. The opposition of mainstream labor, employers, medical professionals, and private insurance companies along with divided grassroots support ensured the defeat of compulsory health care.
            Hoffman falls short in her attempt to prove that the early 20th century push for compulsory health insurance was a formative moment for America that led to a fragmented healthcare system and an opposition that would continue to resist for the rest of the century. The healthcare system was already fragmented before the proposal for compulsory health insurance. In terms of the opposition, the AFL split from the opposition early on after 1920. Hoffman notes the AFL’s defection, but smoothly states that, “the major opponents of universal health insurance remained the same.”[17] Even if the rest opposition did continue to oppose health insurance, but the book does not cover in detail how the coalition against universal health insurance stays united. Instead a quick history from post-1920 to the Clinton administration is given and the opponents of the universal health care are assumed to be the same. The whole issue is essentially skimmed over within the epilogue of the book. Fortunately, Hoffman’s Health Care for Some goes more in depth about the continued resistance to universal health insurance.
            Beatrix Hoffman’s Health Care for Some starts off similar to The Wages of Sickness. First, she describes how medical care in early colonial America was a local responsibility. Hoffman then proceeds to discuss the issue of the right to health care. Of great importance to the discussion are the two different types of health care rationing, explicit and implicit. Explicit rationing denies care according to an official set of rules written out. Implicit rationing is the denial of care through the factors of life such as the ability to pay. Both forms of rationing occur throughout the book and are symptoms of a lack of health care rights. The US Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution made no mention of a right to health.[18] Hoffman next brings up the NY battle for compulsory health insurance from The Wages of Sickness, highlighting the failure of the bill. Despite the defeat of compulsory health insurance, the issue of national health care remains alive because of systematic healthcare problems that place burden on middle class families.
            The first half of Health Care for Some describes how the impact of the Great Depression resulted in the formation of the American medical empire with its vast hospital system and private insurance coverage. The severity of the depression forced the issue of health insurance back into the spotlight. A sudden massive influx of former middle class Americans to the poorly coordinated public-private health care system demonstrated the inadequacy of standard health services. Public county hospitals, already strained to the limit, were also hit by financial difficulties from patient unable to pay for health services.[19] With large patient loads, rationing became even more pronounced. Health services were rationed based on medical condition, geographic location, race, and time. Explicit rationing came in the form of specialty clinics that only serviced patients with specific conditions such as tuberculosis or sexual transmitted diseases.[20] Another form of explicit rationing was race. Clinics refused or had quotas for African American patients.[21] Implicit rationing came in the form of long distances to and from health services as well as time limits. Time was another implicit rationing that restricted the possible number of treated patients as well as limiting patient medical treatments. Patients had to wait in long lines for hours unsure of whether or not they would receive medical treatment before the facilities’ closing time.[22] Those that were unable to see the doctor had to revisit repeatedly since many clinics operated on a first come first serve basis.           
            President Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) refused to commit permanent federal funds to healthcare because he wanted to avoid antagonizing the AMA.[23] As an alternative he pressed for hospital legislation.[24] Although the AMA continued to oppose group practice and health insurance, the mounting costs of treatments meant that a new payment system was needed. Thus in 1938, Blue Cross was born marking the beginning of health insurance. Hoffman agrees that Blue Cross was “a success.”[25] However, she adds that one major limitation of the Blue Cross plans was that they covered only hospital fees, not doctors’ fees. The discontent from the partial payment plans pushed forward Blue Shield, as an insurance plan for hospital doctors’ fees. However, Blue Cross and Blue Shield were both limited to hospital service and did not cover primary physician office visits. Private health care solutions thus became the new standard to dealing with medical payment plans.[26]
            After the end of the World War II, America witnessed a rise in hospitals. Hoffman links the rise of hospitals to the Hill-Burton Act of 1946. The act gave federal funds to hospitals without any oversight because increasing the number of hospitals was suppose to provide more health care to Americans.[27] Despite increasing the number of hospitals, groups of patients were continually being denied access.  Hoffman describes this denial of care as rationed healthcare based on race and the ability to pay. Although the Hill-Burton Act specified that hospitals were to provide a “reasonable volume of services to persons unable to pay,” most hospitals ignored the specification.[28] Hospitals had the financial incentive to lower their free care since the act also required hospitals to be self-sufficient after receiving federal funding. Thus, hospitals denied care to groups that it viewed as financially loathsome. In the south, new hospitals fit into the Jim Crow System through segregation of facilities.[29] Black and White patients were kept separate from each other and given different hospital wings.[30] These denials of treatment based on race and ability to pay even extended into emergency room treatment. Often private hospitals transferred their “troublesome patients” to overloaded public hospitals, a practice that became known as “patient dumping.”[31]
            Accompanying this rise of hospitals was the rise of private health insurance. Some groups continued to be excluded from coverage. In addition, those covered by insurance found that many health plans were limited and paid only partial costs of treatment. Private health insurance plans had exclusions, “conditions not covered by policy.”[32] A major type of exclusion was the preexisting condition clause. Under the preexisting condition clause, patients with diseases prior to getting insurance would not be covered since they were considered a financial liability. Additional insurance company limitations were deductibles and copayments. Deductibles are a set amount of money patients have to pay before their insurance coverage kicks in. Copayments are a fixed amount of money that a patient must pay when receiving a health service. Thus, until a patient had paid off their deductible amount they were in effect, uninsured. These “cost-sharing” methods served as a reminder that health insurance coverage was not free care.[33] The problem was that as price of medical care continued to rise, the deductible amounts and copayments also continued to rise. All was good while the economy was booming, but rapidly increasing costs would come to haunt Americans later during economic downturns.
            The second half of Health Care for Some centers on the battle for health care rights as the issue becomes more about cost. Medicare and Medicaid were major health care programs that aimed to help previously excluded groups of the impoverished and seniors gain health insurance coverage. However, while the programs did increase health insurance coverage they did not fix the public-private issue of the US healthcare system. Rather there were glaring issues with both Medicare and Medicaid. The number one fatal flaw of Medicare was that it lacked “mechanisms for cost control.”[34] The result was that doctors and hospitals began to charge more for their services. Hoffman states that the decade following Medicare’s passage “the average cost per patient per day more than doubled, and hospitals’ total assets rose from $16.4 billion to $47.3 billion.”[35] Medicaid suffered from means testing and the accompanying stigma of social welfare. The difference between Medicare and Medicaid exemplified how the “long held notion that the poor and the middle class and affluent deserve different types of care became the law of the land.”[36]
            The 1960s and 1970s witnessed a massive social movement to acknowledge health care as a right. Blacks fought against medical inequality following desegregation. Latinos fought for health care equality as well through local community efforts. Feminists Women movements opened independent health clinics and argued for maternity insurance and affordable childcare. The National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) fought for the medical rights of “welfare mothers.”[37] The struggle was over the poor quality of medical facilities treating underserved neighborhoods. In response to deteriorating health services, community activists protested hospital flight and even began their own community health clinics. Other activists used Hill-Burton’s uncompensated care clause as a legal weapon against hospitals.[38] Despite the gallant effort by the activists, Hoffman states, “these changes did not fundamentally transform the health care system or the distribution of power and resources within it.”[39]
            The end of the Johnson administration brought forth a new era of focusing on healthcare costs instead of rights. The new Presidency of Richard Nixon with its plans for employer based health insurance and health maintenance organizations (HMOs) reflected this change.[40] However, he was unable to push forward his health care proposal as his administration was caught up in the Watergate scandal. Ronald Reagan would be the next major president to pass cuts on health care expenses. Congress slashed Medicaid budgets, restricting Medicaid payments in some states to hospitals only. Hospitals were being reimbursed for Medicaid patients at lower price. This led to an epidemic of patient dumping.[41] Medicare fared no better. In 1983, Reagan created the Diagnostic Related Groups (DRGs) to low Medicare costs. Instead of a fee-for-service, DRGs charged hospitals a flat fee. Another invention, fee schedules was designed to lower doctors’ fees for Medicare. Hoffman asserts that these practices were futile because hospitals and doctors started to charge more to privately insured patients, a practice known as “cost shifting.”[42]
            The health care system reached its breaking point in the 1980s. Americans began to see the problems of health care coverage intruding into middle class life. Insurance problems, once only seen on the margins of society, began to affect classes that previously thought they were to be covered. Hoffman’s description of the situation is bleak with falling coverage and increasing cost-sharing measures.[43] President Clinton stepped up to tackle the healthcare issue with his plan for HMOs and “managed competition.”[44] Yet his proposal was “dauntingly complex and difficult to understand.”[45] The proposal also suffered from the fact that it lacked strong supporters on the wide spectrum. By 1994 Clinton’s proposal was dead.
            Hoffman’s epilogue wraps up her study of health care rationing with an analysis of President Barack Obama’s Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA).[46] Hoffmann notes that the PPACA is a mix of patient protection and cost cutting. PPACA bans the preexisting condition clause and increases efforts towards preventative services. There are still high deductibles and caps leaving patients the problem of paying for their healthcare services. The most glaring issue is that the PPACA does not declare healthcare to be a right. Under this new system Americans have the right to a subsidy to buy insurance, but not healthcare. Therefore, the new system applies only to a narrow group of people not already covered by employer insurance. The result is a complex mix of different insurance plans. Despite such set backs Hoffman has a sympathetic stance towards the PPACA evident in her statement, “it is not surprising that the 2010 health reform sends so many mixed messages about rights and rationing.”[47] She ends believing that the PPACA serves a greater purpose in getting citizens to debate over healthcare.
            Book reviews of Health Care for Some are favorable, but contain some criticism or none at all. Jan Gregoire Coombs’ review is a plain and simple summary. In the beginning he compliments the book as “a well documented, detailed account of why the United States has failed to provide healthcare for all Americans.”[48] Past the introduction is a basic summary of the book without any recommendations or criticism. Beth Linker’s review is more active in its praise. She lauds the book as a “smart, lively, and highly readable account” of America’s healthcare system and sees the book as a great service for the “voting public.”[49] Her admiration is evident when she recommends the book to anyone desiring to be an informed citizens and even users of the American healthcare system. However, Linker offers one suggestion of socialized medicine that she believes that Hoffman has not covered, the US Veterans Health Administration. David Barton Smith’s review is more critical when compared to the other two. Although he commends the book for being “well-researched and clearly written” with “rich, painful anecdotes,” he saves his heavy criticism for the latter half of his review.[50] His first criticism is that book loses sight of some important details such as organ procurement and Title VI prohibition. His second criticism is that the book “leaves a impression that not much has changed.”[51] His response clearly indicates that Smith is more knowledgeable about the topic of healthcare than the other two reviewers.[52]
            Hoffman’s leftist leanings are on full display again with her criticism of the US health system. Opponents against national health insurance: physicians under the AMA, hospitals, and private insurance companies are viewed as antagonists throughout the book. They continuously defy government efforts to regulate the medical sector because they want to remain in control of their monetary policy, in spite of receiving federal subsidies. In the realm of politics Hoffman is always excoriating Republicans for cutting federal spending for health services and giving more power to private companies. On the other hand, Democrats are displayed as admirable in extending health coverage, but mistaken in the ultimate long-term results of their actions. The mistake of using governmental programs to patch-up gaps in health care coverage has led to wild eye spending in Medicare. The rising costs of these programs have in turn pressured the premium rates on other health insurance plans. Hoffman’s suggestion is that health care should be treated as a right of every American citizen. Categorizing Americans into different groups depending on ability to pay and other factors results in a mismatch of different programs, open to exploitation by politicians and private entities.
            Health Care for Some is an excellent monograph for discussing the history of health care coverage. The reading is not too information dense and Hoffman does a good job explaining aspects of medical care. Each era is analyzed in detail to describe how the US health care system continues to deprive certain groups of Americans coverage. Sprinkled throughout the book are the personal horror stories of health care denial we periodically hear in the news. Hoffman aim is to link this denial of coverage to rationing. By providing evidence of healthcare “rationing” throughout US history, she can counter the fear mongering claims of opponents against national healthcare.[53]
            The problem with Hoffman’s view on healthcare rights is that she contradicts her own writing. In her earlier book, The Wages of Sickness, Hoffman laments over the defeat of the NY compulsory health insurance bill as a significant defeat for the development of national healthcare. However, the proposal set forth by the AALL excluded high-income workers, the unemployed, nonworking poor, migrant and or seasonal workers, and Blacks.[54] Based on the scathing criticism against health care rationing and exclusion in Health Care for Some, it is doubtful whether or not the NY compulsory health insurance bill would have made a difference due to limitations of the bill. The bill would likely remain within the state for workers only, serving as an example for rationing by occupation and by location. Her optimism for PPACA under the Obama administration is equally troubling. Hoffman clearly states, “PPACA does not declare health care to be a right.”[55] The issue of rights so central to her earlier arguments against healthcare rationing is mollified in the discussion about the PPACA. Instead of “mixed messages,” the PPACA clearly does not go far enough in mandating universal health coverage as a right.[56] Deductibles still plague patients and the conglomerate of different plans: employer based, Medicaid, and Medicare still exists. The private insurers are taxpayer-subsidized just like hospitals under the Hill-Burton act. Expecting these private entities to minimize their overhead and provide more services is ludicrous. PPACA is a far cry from national health care and activists must fight to have health acknowledged as a right.
            Both of Hoffman’s books, The Wages of Sickness and Health Care for Some tied into our class discussion about the issue of healthcare in the United States. In the Wages of Sickness, the AMA and employers are two factions against the compulsory healthcare. From our class readings on the AMA and occupational health the opposition of these two groups comes as no surprise.[57] The role of the AMA was to consolidate the authority of medicine over one sect of allopathy. They did this by gaining support from states governments, which created licensing boards. State licensing boards required “candidates to hold a diploma from a reputable medical school” and “required an examination.”[58] Further support came from progressive supporters such as Abraham Flexner. In his famous, Flexner report, he advocated for the need for a “smaller number of medical schools better equipped and better conducted.”[59] In effect, he called for a reduction in the number of incompetent medical professionals, removal of sects in favor of modern medicine, and tightly defined standards of schooling. These ideals were in line with progressive thinking of a need to regulate industries for the benefit of the consumer. Indeed, regular medical professionals attempted to portray their monopolization of the health industry as a humanitarian decision. In reality, the regular medical profession “zealously fought to subordinate and control allied health personnel.”[60] The AMA’s opposition to compulsory health insurance demonstrates how the humanitarian rhetoric was a cover for what they really wanted to protect, a fee-for-service system and the right to refuse patients.
            Employers have a poor record of maintaining their workers’ health. Accidents on site were often blamed on worker rather than the employer. The assumption of risk, contributory negligence, and fellow servant rule were terms thrown around by employers to avoid compensating injured workers.[61] Even after these accidents were later covered by workers’ compensation, employers brought in company doctors to limit reimbursement. An overview of employer response to chronic occupational health issues of phossy jaw and radium poisoning yields additional evidence demonstrating how far companies were willing to go to ignore the health of their workers. The radium girls had to spend years working with the law before they were reimbursed. Companies overlooked terrible phossy jaw deaths because they were unwilling to turn to a more expensive alternative of red phosphorous. To employers healthcare was seen as yet another unnecessary expense cutting from their bottom line.
            Shortly after the standardization and state licensing of medicine, rural areas faced doctor shortages, especially in rural areas. This shortage brought forth complaints by some critics that the new medical standards set by the states had reduced medical care for Americans by reducing the quantity of physicians. The Rockefeller Foundation’s Report in 1924 confirmed the rural areas of the US were facing physician shortages.[62] However, the report asserts that decreasing the standards of medicine will not increase the number of physicians in rural areas. Rather this lack of physicians in the rural areas remains an chronic problem in medical care because the environment for “the city and the town have always offered to the average physician greater attractions than the isolated village.”[63] The article ironically rules out specialists as possible sources of rural disparity and calls the creation of a sub-standard physician class as “impracticable.”[64] At the time of the Rockefeller Foundation, specialists were a small minority of the medical establishment mostly compromised of physicians; by 1990s specialists outnumbered physicians. The decreasing number of primary care physicians has led to the rise of assistant physicians (The report’s “sub-standard physician class”).
            In Health Care for Some, the issue of national health insurance is a pressing matter that is continually deferred from one president to the next. Our class readings for “The Golden Age of Medicine/Intersex” hint at the tumult surrounding national health insurance. After the death of FDR, the mantle of national health care was passed on to President Truman. He addressed the US Congress on May 19,1947 speaking about the need to “bring good health care within the reach of all” Americans through “national health insurance.”[65] However, his call for national health insurance faced the same opposition that the AALL faced. The AMA’s resistance Truman’s proposal is well documented. That same year only a month later the AMA held an annual meeting at the Atlantic City denouncing national health insurance. Journalist Bernard Devoto sums up the AMA’s demands in one sentence, “Organized medicine insists on complete, unsupervised control of any health program that may evolve; and it requires that plan to interfere with the fee-for-service system as little as possible, not at all wherever there is any to maintain the system.”[66] Devoto chides such thinking as “so unrealistic that is suggest the need of psychiatric scrutiny,” and believes that the AMA needs “some realistic instruction in the facts of modern life.”[67] From our present day viewpoint we can see the Devoto was both wrong and right. Wrong in believing that the AMA would yield to the pressure of national health care anytime soon. Right in believing there are factions within the AMA that differ from the official organizational line. In fact the AMA did start to change its policies around the 1990s, but only after physicians were “no longer the most powerful players in the health care industry.”[68]
            Hoffman is careful to avoid placing all the blame on the AMA. In The Wages of Sickness, she notes how historians have all too often blamed the AMA for the repeated failure of health reform attempts. She then states, “Physicians alone did not deliver the definitive blow to the health insurance crusade.”[69] Indeed her entire book describes how the opposition is composed of an assortment of interest groups. Some of these interest groups are visible in Devoto’s article. The Philip Morris Company handed out free cigarettes. Hospitals and research foundations had booths in the Technical Exposition. The past-president of the National Association of Manufacturers gave a speech.[70] Opposition to national health insurance united these groups together.
            The opposition group present in Health Care for Some takes off to unprecedented heights with the rapid privatization of medicine. The 20th class readings, “Health and the State” reflect on the issues of healthcare coverage needed for the rising prices of medical treatment. Arnold Relman in his “The New Medical-Industrial Complex” highlights the dangers of “a vast array of investor-owned businesses supplying health services for profit.”[71] First, healthcare is not a like other commodities, its funding and use are particularly open to exploitation that will result in price inflation along with over utilization.[72] Second, private businesses while good at controlling unit costs and quality improvement do not fundamentally restrict their services. Rather as private entities they seek to sell their services as much as possible, certainly not in the interest of moderating use of medical resources. Therefore if private industry is to be involved it will “have to be regulated.”[73] Third, the medical profession must act decisively to “separate physicians from commercial exploitation of healthcare” and physicians should have “no economic conflict of interest.”[74] If the medical establishment does not act it runs the risk of undermining its authority when speaking on behalf of public interest. Fourth, commercialization of healthcare runs the risk of “cream-skimming,” elimination of low use, unprofitable services and exclusion of unprofitable patients.[75] Fifth, private emphasis on procedures and technology runs the risk of excluding personal care resulting in “fragmentation of care, overspecialism, and overemphasis on expensive technology.”[76] The sixth and final danger is that large private healthcare industry could become a formidable political force in the country, hindering efforts to reform healthcare policy. The present day situation of healthcare outlined in Health Care for Some has revealed that Relman’s fears have come to pass. Private companies, hospitals, insurance and the like, have come to play a huge role in healthcare and as a result hold considerable sway over the healthcare policy. Unfortunately the growth of the private sector was not followed by an equal amount of federal regulation. Federal plans like Medicare have led to a dramatic rise in healthcare cost, as there were no mechanisms of cost control in the original law.[77] Physicians have come under attack especially during the 1970s and 1980s as exploitive players part of the healthcare system.[78] The exclusion of “unprofitable” patients led to widespread “patient dumping” in the 1980s.[79] Specialists have overtake primary care physicians and specialize services for medical care are in demand more than ever especially with new diagnostic tools such as the CT and MRI scan.
            Beatrix Hoffman’s two works help to simplify the history of healthcare from 1930 to the present. The history of health coverage has revealed an implicitly and explicitly rationed healthcare system. Originally a completely fee-for-service system, healthcare costs had risen so much that insurance was required to be able to pay medical bills. Private insurance was developed to meet these financial needs, but only served as a temporary relief. Too many were excluded from coverage and those “covered” turned out not to be with the abundance of “cost sharing” measures. Federal attempts to address this health crisis have run the gauntlet of political debates and face stiff opposition from the private sector. The argument of “Americanism” seen during the battle for NY compulsory health care has remained a strong feature of the healthcare debate. The patriotic, nationalistic sentiment of exceptionalism defines national health care as a foreign concept unsuited to the rugged individualistic, free market nature of the America. However, nationalist ideology is not immune from the issues of health and sickness. In this case, healthcare is ranted to those deemed “worthy” a nod, once again, to the ideology of “Americanism.” Unfortunately, even with the patchwork US healthcare coverage, the economics of medicine do not match up to Americanism. Costs continue to climb to ever-greater heights leaving Americans to foot the bill. Alarming costs have changed the issue of healthcare from one of coverage to one of costs. An overview of the development of the American healthcare system teaches us that question of healthcare must be pursued as one of rights, not entitlements. For rights are permanent while entitlements can stripped away. By working within this ideology of rights, the government can obtain the role of authority and regulate healthcare. Only then will Americans be able to enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.


[1] Beatrix Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness: The Politics of Health Insurance in Progressive America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 2.
[2] Beatrix Hoffman, Health Care for Some: Rights and Rationing in the United States since 1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012), xiii.
[3] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 9.
[4] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 25.
[5] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 29-32, 34.
[6] The AALL excluded the very people they were trying to help from compulsory health care discussions. Refer Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 28.
[7] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 67.
[8] Gompers had good reason for expecting that health insurance would pacify the workers for Bismarck pursued national health insurance in Germany for that very reason. Refer Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 47-48.
[9] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 145.
[10] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 65.
[11] John B. Andrews of the AALL gives up the fight. Refer to Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 177.
[12] Emily K. Abel, review of The Wages of Sickness: The Politics of Health Insurance in Progressive America, by Beatrix Hoffman, The Journal of American History 88, no. 4 (March 2002): 1556-1557.
[13] Clifford D. Allo, review of The Wages of Sickness: The Politics of Health Insurance in Progressive America, by Beatrix Hoffman, The American Journal of Legal History 45, no. 2 (April 2001): 220-221.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Elisabeth S. Clemens, review of The Wages of Sickness: The Politics of Health Insurance in Progressive America, by Beatrix Hoffman, The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 33, no. 1 (Summer 2002): 146-147.
[16] “However, I am satisfied that the demand for [health insurance] on the part of those most concerned will finally override the ignorance and the willful misrepresentation of such a system by the opposition.” Refer to Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 187.
[17] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 181.
[18] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, xxv.
[19] “Charity patients accounted for 40–50% of all patients admitted to voluntary hospitals nationwide in 1933.” Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 8.
[20] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 10.
[21] Proportion of Blacks to white patients varied from 35%-0%. Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 12.
[22] Figure 1 demonstrates the long lines at the waiting room of a clinic. Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 13.
[23] Two of FDR’s closest friends and advisors were doctors. Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 25.
[24] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 30.
[25] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 34.
[26] The AMA cautiously supported hospital insurance because it did not infringe on the private practice physicians payments. Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 35.
[27] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 66, 68-69.
[28] The specification of Hill-Burton was known as the “uncompensated care clause.” Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 71.
[29] Fitting into the “separate but equal” policy. Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 74.
[30] Figure 3 demonstrates the separate colored ward. Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 73.
[31] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 80.
[32] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 98.
[33] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 106.
[34] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 127.
[35] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 128-129.
[36] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 135.
[37] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 147-149.
[38] One example of a legal victory was Cook v. Ochsner Foundation Hospital, which legally forced hospitals to accept Medicaid patients. Refer to Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 146.
[39] Hoffman notes that movement succeeded in eroding physician authority, promoting individual empowerment, and beginning the breakdown of racial and gender barriers in medical schools. Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 159.
[40] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 163.
[41] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 172.
[42] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 176.
[43] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 182-183.
[44] Clinton’s reforms rejected centralized single payer system in favor of plan where private insurers competed for the business of purchasers. Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 183.
[45] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 185.
[46] Also known by the vernacular term ObamaCare.
[47] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 220.
[48] Jan Gregoire Coombs, review of The Wages of Sickness: The Politics of Health Insurance in Progressive America, by Beatrix Hoffman, The Journal of American History 100, no. 1 (June 2013): 290-291.
[49] Beth Linker, review of The Wages of Sickness: The Politics of Health Insurance in Progressive America, by Beatrix Hoffman, American Historical Review 119, no. 1 (February 2014): 214-215.
[50] David Barton Smith, review of The Wages of Sickness: The Politics of Health Insurance in Progressive America, by Beatrix Hoffman, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 69, no. 1 (January 2014): 177-179.
[51] Ibid.
[52] Perhaps because he writes for the Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences.
[53] The standard image of rationing brings to mind “shortages, waiting lists, and long lines.” Refer Hoffman, Health Care for Some, ix.
[54] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 29-31.
[55] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 214.
[56] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 219.
[57] Unfortunately, their opposition was a surprise to the AALL.
[58] John Harley Warner and Janet Ann Tighe, Major Problems in the History of American Medicine and Public Health: Documents and Essays, Major Problems in American History Series (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2001), 299.
[59] Ibid., 278.
[60] Ibid., 300.
[61] Midterm review and class 8 & 9 PowerPoint: Environmental Occupational Health
[62] Warner and Tighe, Major Problems in the History of American Medicine and Public Health, 292-293.
[63] Ibid., 294.
[64] Ibid., 196.
[65] Warner and Tighe, Major Problems in the History of American Medicine and Public Health, 435-437.
[66] Ibid., 440.
[67] Ibid., 440-441.
[68] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 184-185.
[69] Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness, 3.
[70] Warner and Tighe, Major Problems in the History of American Medicine and Public Health, 435-437.
[71] Ibid., 463
[72] Ibid., 464.
[73] Ibid., 465.
[74] Ibid.
[75] Ibid.
[76] Ibid., 466.
[77] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 127.
[78] John C. Burnham, “American Medicine's Golden Age: What Happened to it?” Science, New Series, Vol. 215, No. 4539 (Mar. 19, 1982), pp. 1474-1479 [J-Stor]
[79] Hoffman, Health Care for Some, 169-173.

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